FOR ANOTHER EUROPE
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reproduced within itself some of the features of both old and new imperi-alism. Second, the same process has resulted in the emergence of a newpowerful economic bloc with its own imperialist ambitions towards non-member countries. This will necessarily lead to increasing confrontations with the other two economic leaders, the US and Japan. However, asmatters stand now, the Union is still a ‘weak superpower’ due to its internalpolitical and cultural heterogeneity and its almost total dependence uponUS military might. Third, the European working class has been locked out as much as possible from the construction of the European Union. But thisdoes not mean that its presence has not been felt. On the contrary, the whole project has been shaped by the need either to appease it (see theCommon Agricultural Policy) or to make it pay for the process of integra-tion (see the Economic and Monetary Union). Moreover, certain phases of this process have been stalled by European labour, as in the case of thefirst attempt to launch the Economic and Monetary Union in 1969–74.European economic integration is the outcome of the interplay amongthese three interrelated forces. A few words on the organization of the book are in order. Chapter 1(‘History, Institutions and Enlargements’) carries the message that, fromthe very beginning, the EU project had two interrelated aspects. On theone hand, it was conceived as an economic power (possibly to result in aunified, federalist, European state) able to compete with the worldhegemony of the US. On the other, it bore the imprint of an anti-socialist project. This in a double sense. A united Europe was meant to contain andto destroy the Soviet bloc. At the same time, the same project was part andparcel of the post-war fight against the growing influence of Europeancommunist parties and social movements.Europe has thus been from the very beginning capital’s Europe. It hasbeen said that in the conscious construction of European integration,labour has been always there, as the enemy to be reckoned with andneutralized. As a result, the European institutions – including the Commis-sion, the Parliament and the Council of Ministers – could not but containand express these anti-democratic, anti-socialist features. Chapter 1 intro-duces the major European institutions as well as their transformationthrough the years, and thus at the same time it introduces the class content of these institutions and thus of the construction of a unified Europe. It provides the framework within which to analyse (in the following chapters)the specificity of the imperialist nature and class content of the different aspects of European economic integration.But chapter 1 has also another, equally important, function. Europeandecision-making institutions not only express but also mediate betweendifferent and often contradictory interests. Even though the focus of thisbook is on the economic aspects, a proper understanding of these aspectsrequires at least an acquaintance with the institutional setting emanatingfrom those economic policies. For these reasons, chapter 1 is basic for aproper understanding of the EU.Chapter 2 (‘The Ideology of Economic Integration’) would seem to fall